Prevent was developed in 9/11’s aftermath as part of the UK’s counter-terrorism strategy Contest, aiming ‘to reduce risks to the UK from international terrorism, so people can go about their lives freely and with confidence.’[1] Contest encompasses: ‘Pursue,’ stopping attacks; ‘Protect,’ strengthening protection against attacks; ‘Prepare,’ mitigating an attack’s impact and ‘Prevent,’ stopping people becoming terrorists or supporting violent extremism.[2] Prevent is a pre-criminal attempt to win ‘hearts and minds’ of those at risk of radicalisation. The notion Prevent has made the British Muslim community a ‘suspect community’ is advanced by Pantazis and Pemberton.[3] A suspect community is a sub-group of the population singled out for state attention as ‘problematic.’ Rather than targeting individuals suspected of wrongdoing, Prevent allegedly does this because of presumed Muslim community membership. Over 140 academics co-signed a condemnation of Prevent.[4] Shami Chakrabarti, described Prevent as ‘the biggest spying programme’ and an affront to civil liberties.[5] This essay sides with the Home Office who describes most objections as ‘scaremongering, simplistic and inaccurate.’[6] Part I asserts Prevent has undergone reforms. The suspect community charge was truer under Labour but is now obsolete. Part II evidences a disinformation campaign to undermine Prevent. Part III will examine the positive role Prevent has played in the British Muslim community.

Part I

While Prevent no longer makes the British Muslim community a ‘suspect community,’ it did under Labour’s sole Muslim focus.[7] Despite extremists constituting a tiny minority, Prevent tried to effect substantial changes in all Muslims’ attitudes.[8] Prevent project funding was allocated to local authorities directly in proportion to the number of Muslim residents.[9] See Figure 1[10] :

PREVENT funding discriminatory

This epitomises ‘suspect community’ criteria as it implied Muslims are ‘flawed citizens’ needing alteration.[11] The Coalition’s revision rectified this. The revised strategy is led by intelligence on extremist activity levels, allocating funding accordingly. This creates the impression the government is dealing with political violence, not trying to reshape Muslim Britain[12] and not conceptualising Muslims as ‘suspect.’

Labour’s Prevent intervened in theology.[13] Salafis were classed as extremists, Sufis as moderates, or Deobandis as extremists and Barelvis as moderates.[14] The effect on how Muslims felt they were being perceived was exemplified by a youth worker: “We became the ‘other’ to be studied, managed, contained.”[15] Such invasiveness was abandoned by the Coalition who acknowledged the benefits of theologians challenging extremism but rejected efforts to ‘promote a mainstream Islam.’[16] Gone was rhetoric in reference to ‘faith’ and ‘community.’[17] The most recent Contest[18] and Channel[19]  guidance do not even mention the word ‘Muslim’. Prevent has transformed away from being government ‘Islam policy’[20] (which did conceptualise Muslims as ‘suspect’) towards now being about countering all extremism.[21]

Labour made Muslims a ‘suspect community’ by only focusing on Islamic extremism. Critics noted how they were unable to identify Prevent work focussing on far-right extremism.[22] This double standard is reflected by how Prevent emerged alongside the BNP’s growth, whose members have serious criminal records for terrorism and violence.[23] This threat was dismissed, fuelling Muslim sense of unbalanced scrutiny.[24] The Norway massacre and pan-European networks mirroring Islamist networks highlighted Labour had over-estimated Islamism, underestimating the far-right.[25] This Islamist-obsessed mindset[26] was departed from by the Coalition who identified the far-right as requiring more attention.[27] This departure from Labour’s ‘suspect community’ policy is further evidenced by recent guidance’s invocation of Article 8 of the ECHR emphasising freedom of religion,[28] as well as a commitment to transparency.[29] However, Prevent’s history alongside clumsy counter-terrorism such as Project Champion[30] and the Nottingham Two[31] and Labour’s hostile rhetoric towards Muslims[32] has undermined Prevent. What is undeniable for Muslims, in spite of reforms, the Prevent label invokes ‘common subjective experiences’ Pantanzis and Pemberton define as creating a ‘suspect community.’[33] This perception has been exacerbated by disinformation campaigns.

Part II

Barclay asserts Islamists exploit suspicions surrounding Prevent.[34] He identifies how those hostile to Prevent were ex-al-Muhajiroun members who saw the policy as challenging their mission of a militant Islamist awakening (sahwah) and view it as an ideological offensive alongside Western military offensives in Afghanistan and Iraq.[35] Guns and drone strikes are used in combat but the government supposedly employed secular ideas to ‘divert youth from developing a complete understanding of their religion.’[36] This is a plausible motivation for Islamist-led disinformation campaigns, exemplified by Ifhat Smith who claimed her fourteen-year-old was interrogated by Prevent officers at school for referencing ‘eco-terrorism’.[37] She told Sky News: “Prevent is allowing state-sanctioned abuse of Muslim children.”[38] It appeared to be a devastating account of Prevent making the British Muslim community ‘suspect,’ not even sparing children. The story was recorded by anti-Prevent website Prevent Watch, which aggregates such material.[39] Ifhat Smith claimed her son ‘was presumed guilty because he was Muslim.’[40]  However, the school argued it took ‘a reasonable proportionate response’: instead of being ‘treated as a criminal’ the child was spoken to, not interrogated, for ten minutes from a safeguarding perspective. The boy was sent back to class with no action taken.[41] Mr Justice Blake in the High Court ruled the judicial review demanded by Smith was ‘totally without merit.’[42] Prevent Watch continues to feature the story.[43] Despite reporting unverified/contested ‘cases,’ Prevent Watch is quoted by those seeking to justify the ‘suspect community’ thesis.[44] In December 2015, it was claimed a ten-year-old had been referred to Prevent and interrogated by police over a spelling mistake. The BBC reported instead of writing he lived in a terraced house, the boy wrote ‘terrorist’ house.[45] His family demanded police and school apologise for his treatment. Again this story has no basis in fact. According to Grunshaw, Lancashire Police and Crime Commissioner, the boy disclosed a ‘worrying issue’ in his schoolwork, including writing ‘I hate it when my uncle beats me.’[46] As part of safeguarding, the school raised the issue through appropriate mediums, leading to a visit by neighbourhood police and social worker, never being regarded as a terrorist-related incident.[47] These exemplify misinformation. Sensationalist stories fuelling ‘suspect community’ allegations fall apart after scrutiny.

Perception is significant. Pentazis and Pemberton conceptualise the ‘suspect community’ as being defined by a ‘common subjective experience,’ based on ‘ummatic attachments that promote solidarity with fellow oppressed Muslims.’[48] By this criteria, Prevent has created a suspect community. The extent this ‘common subjective experience’ of persecution by Prevent has penetrated Muslim communities is illuminated by a Newsnight report: “British Muslim women expressed concerns new government counter-terrorism legislation meant their children could be taken away from them just for being practising Muslims.”[49] Independent terrorism legislation reviewer, Anderson QC noted Prevent had become a source of rumour and mistrust, stating everything impacting communities under counter-terrorist legislation seems to have been bracketed under ‘Prevent.’[50] Prevent has become a lightning rod for unrelated issues, where many Muslims who may hold grievances about media or other policies have pointed the finger towards Prevent.[51] I reject implications subjective experiences (however widespread) mean Prevent has made the British Muslim community a ‘suspect community’ because to do so is to legitimise false narratives, delegitimising Prevent’s achievements Anderson acknowledges.[52]

The most serious allegation is Prevent involves covert surveillance. Husain of the Quilliam Foundation, a recipient of £1 million of Prevent funding,[53] stated Prevent was “gathering intelligence on people not committing terrorist offences” and to do so was “right.”[54] If verifiable the ‘suspect community’ charge is undeniable. However, Prevent’s involvement in spying remains unproven. A 2009 select committee inquiry could not verify this.[55] The Coalition’s revision stated Prevent would not be used for spying.[56] Recent guidance states the programme must not involve covert activity.[57] Prevent under the last two governments has committed to transparency. Unlike under Labour, there have been active attempts not to make British Muslims a ‘suspect community.’

The ‘sector oriented’ emphasis[58] has caused ‘spying’ suspicions to resurface, in the context of teachers being required to inform on Muslim students. O’Donnell claims Prevent “makes students fearful of speaking in lecture halls.”[59] He claims the extremism definition as being opposition to “British values” is “empty.”[60] As a benchmark for identifying extremism in relation to Muslims, Qureshi describes it as a colonial lens to view ‘good and ‘bad’ suspect community members.[61] However, recent Prevent guidance states: “Schools should be safe spaces (to) discuss sensitive topics, including terrorism. The Prevent duty is not intended to limit discussion.”[62] British values are defined as “democracy, rule of law, individual liberty, mutual respect and tolerance of different faiths and beliefs.”[63] Although labelling them uniquely British has created the perception Muslims have to ‘prove’ loyalty to the country,[64] O’Donnell’s claim extremism includes girls wearing hijabs[65] is unfounded. False identification is unlikely given 400,000 frontline staff have now received training on how to identify radicalisation.[66] An increasing amount of information is available including a Department of Education website entitled ‘Educate Against Hate.’[67] The ‘cradle to grave police state’[68] Prevent’s statutory duty has been accused of creating for British Muslims is untrue.

Once an individual is identified as at risk of being drawn into terrorism, they are referred to Channel – a multi-agency approach to identify and provide support.[69] Kundnani describes this as “extensive surveillance”[70] He cites Jameel Scott, a student member of the Socialist Workers’ Party, allegedly coerced into undertaking Channel mentoring because of pro-Palestine activism and profiled for having a Muslim father.[71] His family members report being harassed by officers to pressure Jameel to end his political activity.[72] Since the strategy’s reform Prevent cases look very different. In one case a fifteen-year-old told school staff he supported al-Qaida and wanted to attend a terrorist training camp.[73]  He admitted watching extremist material online and speaking to radicalisers. He was referred to Channel. It transpired he had Asperger’s Syndrome and exposure to domestic violence. The multi-agency panel also made referrals to Children and Mental Health Services. Another case was a thirteen-year-old drawing swastikas in exercise books, on desks and walls and using racist language.[74]  A youth worker spotted the same behaviour. It emerged his father was in prison for racist attacks and his mother was a drug user. White supremacists were radicalising him. The multi-agency panel exposed the boy to positive role models and counter-narratives against far-Right extremism. Although Jameel’s case is unfortunate, there are more cases where staff have been reluctant to make referrals. Examples include Mohammed Atif Siddique, convicted of terrorism offences in 2007, who was seen by staff at Glasgow Metropolitan College accessing violent extremist material but whose lecturers were reluctant to do anything for fear of racist conduct accusations[75] or Hassib Hussain’s exercise books which were littered with supportive comments about al-Qaeda.[76] Rather than spying, Channel amounts to safeguarding, mirroring safeguarding processes used by government agencies in gang activity, abuse and bullying.[77] Front-line staff’s reluctance to refer individual Muslims who have exhibited signs of radicalisation further weakens the ‘suspect community’ claim as does Channel being voluntary[78] and how 80% of cases are rejected.[79]

A legitimate criticism is from 2007-2010, over 90% of referrals to Channel were Muslim.[80] This could justify the ‘suspect community’ thesis. Since reforms, the referrals ratio for far-right and Islamist extremists varies from area to area.[81] Hampshire Prevent team’s referrals are predominantly far-right extremists.[82] Nevertheless, from 2012-2014, 56% of referrals to Channel were Muslim individuals.[83] Although this could strengthen ‘suspect community’ claims, this overlooks how of the 2,297 arrests on suspicion of terrorism offences, between 2001-2012, 1,066 were listed as “Muslim” and 1,231 were listed as “Other.” Of those charged 41% were Muslim, compared to 37% listed as “Other or no religion” and 32% as “Unknown Religion.”[84] This aligns with the government’s view: “extreme right-wing terrorism in the UK has been less widespread, systematic or organised than terrorism associated with Al Qaeda.”[85] The violent Islamist threat means a focus on Muslims is inevitable. Part III explores how Prevent has addressed this without making the community ‘suspect.’

Part III

Accusations Prevent mirrors McCarthyism imply the threat it aims to thwart is unreal. Intelligence suggests Britain faces a serious, home-grown Islamist terror threat, showing few signs of diminishing.[86] British Muslim involvement in jihadist training camps in the 1990s[87], 7/7 bombings and the attack on Glasgow Airport in 2007 suggests some young Muslims are alienated from British values, from respect for diversity and free speech underpinning Britain’s democratic, multicultural society.[88] 850 Muslims from the UK have travelled to support or fight for jihadist organisations in Syria and Iraq.[89] Iranian revolutionary Shi’ism alongside Saudi’s ‘exporting on an industrial scale’ of Wahabbi teachings created powerful narratives counter-posing Islamic civilization to an anti-Muslim West.[90] Prevent provides counter-narratives[91] to these separatist/supremacist ideologies. Engagement in this propaganda war and focus on Muslims does not mean it has rendered the community ‘suspect.’ Many Muslims defend it. Hanif Qadir, an ex-Islamist radical remarked ‘we have to accept we’ve got a problem. Accepting Prevent is accepting we’ve got a problem.’[92] Muslim feminist Sara Khan describes Prevent as helping “Muslim voices champion human rights. Otherwise, extremists are left to define British Islam.”[93] Since February 2015 the Home Office has engaged through Prevent with 372 mosques, 385 community organisations and 156 faith organisations.[94]  Prevent coordinators are in daily contact with Muslim groups, creating a network engaged with 50,000 individuals in 2015 within Muslim communities.[95] Such supportive engagement weakens the ‘suspect community’ thesis.

Thomas notes: “Prevent activity has been good diversionary community work providing positive, enjoyable experiential activities.”[96] An example is the Active Change Foundation[97], a Prevent-funded youth project in Walthamstow gaining prominence when it launched the #notinmyname campaign in response to ISIS’s killing of Alan Henning. This involved young people holding signs with the hashtag on camera inviting others to follow suit, with the objective of distancing ISIS’s actions from Islam. This message reached over 300 million people, including Obama who praised “British Muslims who responded to terrorist propaganda by starting the Not In My Name campaign declaring ISIS is hiding behind a false Islam.”[98] This not only counters terrorist propaganda but makes British Muslims less of a suspect community. It enabled them to distance their version of Islam from extremism. Even Labour’s Prevent addressed deprivation, discrimination and Islamophobia.[99] Tell MAMA is a Prevent project recording and measuring anti-Muslim hate crime.[100] Since its founding, its work with police has led to 460 arrests of people promoting anti-Muslim hatred and breaking up far-right networks.[101] It also monitors sectarianism particularly when extremists target Ahmaddiya Muslims.[102][103] Far from identifying British Muslims as ‘problematic,’ Prevent recognises how the community has been subject to hate crimes and complexities of communities within communities who are not only vulnerable to this but sectarianism. British Muslim women are one of the UK’s most disadvantaged demographics.[104] This is something addressed by Prevent project Inspire which investigated barriers Muslim women face to employment/education.[105] Such projects do not criminalise Muslims as the ‘suspect community’ paradigm claims but instead elevates otherwise unheard voices. Extra funding/attention has resulted in envy from other communities, as evidenced by Dr Singh of Network of Sikh organisations who complained ‘they (Muslims) have been getting funding for all sorts of projects.’[106]

Prevent has been criticised for replicating Cold War practices. Kundnani notes striking similarities between the Research Information and Communication Unit and the Information Research Department.[107] The former was established in 2007 in order to communicate the government’s counter-radicalisation narrative, while the latter was formed in 1948 to fight a battle of ideas against communism.[108] Godson, research director at Policy Exchange, asserted how “During the cold war, IRD would assert Western superiority over totalitarian rivals. Magazines such as Encounter did hand-to-hand combat with Soviet fellow travellers. We need to recapture our own self-confidence.”[109] Since Encounter represented the anti-Stalinist left and IRD distributed George Orwell’s and Bertrand Russell’s writings[110], such a policy did not make British socialists a ‘suspect community.’ Instead it empowered socialists challenging communism. Similarly, Prevent’s emphasis on ‘supporting theologians’ efforts’ in challenging extremism[111] does not label Muslims as ‘suspect.’ It actively utilises certain Islamic interpretations to discredit terrorist recruiters, exemplified by Prevent-coordinated Open Your Eyes video series[112] which includes material by imams explaining how “ISIS are completely un-Islamic.”[113] Far from making British Muslims ‘suspect,’ Prevent presents core Islamic teachings in a positive manner.

Kundnani presents Prevent-funded Deen International’s public relations campaign in Pakistan as negative.[114] In reality, the campaign entitled ‘I Am The West’ was a positive initiative, aimed at men from 15-25.[115] Far from rendering British Muslims as ‘suspect,’ it showcased achievements and contributions Muslims have made to Britain by promoting former communities minister Sadiq Khan and cricketer Moeen Ali.[116] This is antithetical to Huntington’s ‘Clash of Civilizations’ Prevent is accused of being rooted in.[117]

Hundreds of British Muslims departure to join ISIS or those who have plotted to commit terrorist acts in the UK cannot be ignored. The threat has been exacerbated by foreign policy but is rooted in global economic, technological, geopolitical and religious developments pre-dating the Iraq war or 9/11.[118] Prevent’s education and community-based approach within the CONTEST strategy represents a patient, balanced approach compared to approaches of other states when facing a domestic terrorist threat.[119] A strategy based purely on policing/security would make British Muslims a suspect community. Rather than criminalising individuals for holding certain views, Prevent creates the opportunity to halt the radicalisation process, stopping people crossing over to the criminal legal space.

Conclusion

Ultimately Prevent under Labour did meet the ‘suspect community’ criteria. This was reflected in the way Prevent funding was allocated, the exclusive focus on Islamic extremism and the disproportionate ratio of Muslims referred to Channel. However, subsequent reforms address these issues to the point where current policy counters all forms of extremism. Recent guidance ensures Muslims are not singled out for special attention on the basis of their faith[120] and transparency has been a commitment. Nevertheless, Prevent remains a toxic brand.[121] I have demonstrated this is a result of Labour’s legacy and a disinformation campaign designed to derail counter-extremism, not the policy itself. The spying suspicions are unverified and the Coalition’s guidance, as well as 2015 guidance, explicitly states Prevent is not to be used for this purpose. Rather than making the community ‘suspect,’ the policy’s necessary Muslim-focus has involved the provision of youth projects, the elevation of Muslim women, the monitoring of anti-Muslim hate crimes and the showcasing of the positive role Muslims play in British society.

Copyright © 2016 Tal Tyagi. All Rights Reserved.

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[1] HM Government, CONTEST: The United Kingdom’s Strategy for Countering Terrorism (London 2015), pp.15-19.

[2] Thomas Martin, ‘Governing an Unknowable Future: The Politics of Britain’s Prevent Policy,’ Critical Studies on Terrorism 7:1 (2014) pp.62-78

[3] Francesco Ragazzi, ‘Suspect community or suspect category? The impact of counter-terrorism as ‘policed multiculturalism’’, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies (2016), pp.1-18

[4] Independent Voices, ‘PREVENT will have a chilling effect on open debate, free speech and political dissent,’ The Independent, 10 July 2015 < http://www.independent.co.uk/voices/letters/prevent-will-have-a-chilling-effect-on-open-debate-free-speech-and-political-dissent-10381491.html> (29 March 2017)

[5] Paul Thomas, Responding to the Threat of Violent Extremism: Failing to Prevent (London 2012) p.66

[6] Robert Verkeik, ‘Government deradicalisation plan will brand Muslims with beards as terrorists, say academics,’ The Independent, 10 July 2015 < http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/government-deradicalisation-plan-will-brand-muslims-with-beards-as-terrorists-say-academics-10381796.html> (29 March 2017)

[7] Therese O’Toole, Stephen H. Jones and Daniel Nilsson DeHanas, ‘The New Prevent: Will It Work? Can It Work?’ Muslim Participation in Contemporary Governance No.2 (2011) p.2

[8] O’Toole, Jones, DeHanas, ‘The New Prevent,’ p.2

[9] O’Toole, Jones, DeHanas, ‘The New Prevent,’ p.2

[10] Arun Kundnani, ‘Spooked! How not to Prevent Violent Extremism,’ Institute of Race Relations (2009) p.13

[11] O’Toole, Jones and DeHanas, ‘The New Prevent,’ p.3

[12] O’Toole, Jones and DeHanas, ‘The New Prevent, p.3

[13] Arun Kundnani, The Muslims Are Coming: Islamophobia, Extremism and the Domestic War on Terror (London 2014) p.163

[14] Kundnani, The Muslims Are Coming, p.163

[15] Interview 5, 30 April 2009 as cited by Kundnani, ‘Spooked’ p.23

[16] O’Toole, Jones and DeHanas, ‘The New Prevent,’ p.4

[17] O’Toole, Jones and DeHanas, ‘The New Prevent,’ p.4

[18] HM Government, CONTEST

[19] HM Government, Channel Duty Guidance: Protecting Vulnerable People From Being Drawn Into Terrorism (London 2015)

[20] Kundnani, The Muslims Are Coming, p.164

[21] HM Government, Channel Duty Guidance p.3

[22] Thomas, Responding to the Threat of Violent Extremism, p.83

[23] Thomas, Responding to the Threat of Violent Extremism, p.140

[24] Thomas, Responding to the Threat of Violent Extremism, p.140

[25] Thomas, Responding to the Threat of Violent Extremism, p.140

[26] Thomas, Responding to the Threat of Violent Extremism, p.75

[27] O’Toole, Jones and DeHanas, ‘The New Prevent,’ p.4

[28] HM Government, Channel Duty Guidance p.24

[29] All recorded information held by a public authority is covered by the right to information under the FOI act HM Government, Channel Duty Guidance p.20

[30] Project Champion was a scheme in 2010 led by West Midlands Police Authority that entailed the installation of 216 CCTV and ANRP cameras in areas of Birmingham in which Muslims were concentrated. It emerged the scheme was funded by the Home Office via the Association of Chief Police Officers as part of counter-terrorism surveillance. While a campaign successfully had them dismantled in 2011, it led to distrust between the government and the local Muslim population.

[31] Hicham Yezza and Rizwaan Sabir, a former administrator and a former postgraduate student at the University of Nottingham. Yezza and Sabir were detained in solitary confinement for, respectively, five and six days after being reported for acquiring an Al-Qaeda instruction manual for academic research. (The manual in question was downloaded from the US Department of Justice website and is freely available from booksellers such as Amazon).  They were arrested under Section 41 of the 2000 Terrorism Act and while this would have been ‘Pursue’ rather than ‘Prevent,’ it has toxified any counter-terrorism initiatives.

[32] Examples of this include Jack Straw who described the niqab as ‘a visible statement of separation and difference’ see Shane Brighton, ‘British Muslims, multiculturalism and UK foreign policy: ‘integration’ and ‘cohesion’ in and beyond the state’, International Affairs, 83/1 (2007) pp. 1-17.

[33] Ragazzi, ‘Suspect community or suspect category?’ p.730

[34] Jack Barclay, ‘The Extremist Reaction to the UK’s Prevent Strategy,’ Hudson Institute, 18 October 2011 < https://hudson.org/research/9862-the-extremist-reaction-to-the-uk-s-prevent-strategy> (29 March 2017)

[35] Barclay, ‘The Extremist Reaction to the UK’s Prevent Strategy’

[36] Barclay, ‘The Extremist Reaction to the UK’s Prevent Strategy’

[37] Prevent Watch, ‘The Eco Warrior,’ May 2015 < http://www.preventwatch.org/incident-the-eco-warrior/> (29 March 2017)

[38] Afua Hirsch, Anti-Radicalisation Strategy ‘Alienating Pupils,’ Sky News, 13 December 2015 < http://news.sky.com/story/anti-radicalisation-strategy-alienating-pupils-10336147> (29 March 2017)

[39] Prevent Watch, ‘Supporting Communities Impacted by Prevent,’ < http://www.preventwatch.org/> (29 March 2017)

[40] Vikram Dodd, ‘School questioned Muslim pupil about Isis after discussion on eco-activism,’ The Guardian, 22 September 2015 https://www.theguardian.com/education/2015/sep/22/school-questioned-muslim-pupil-about-isis-after-discussion-on-eco-activism (29 March 2017)

[41] Dodd, ‘School questioned Muslim pupil about Isis after discussion on eco-activism’

[42] High Court of Justice Queen’s Bench Division, Salaahudeen Smith v Secretary of State for the Home Dept and Headteacher and Governors of Central Foundation Boys’ School, CO/4064/2015, October 2015 as cited by Sara Khan, The Battle For British Islam: Reclaiming Muslim Identity From Extremism (London 2016) p.88

[43] Prevent Watch, ‘Islington Council to challenge Prevent scheme in wake of ‘eco-terror’ incident,’ http://www.preventwatch.org/islington-council-to-challenge-prevent-scheme-in-wake-of-eco-terror-incident/ (29 March 2017)

[44] Frances Webber, ‘Prevent and the Children’s Rights Convention,’ Institute of Race Relations (2016) p.4 & p.11

[45] BBC, Lancashire ‘terrorist house’ row ‘not a spelling mistake,’ Lancashire News, 20 January 2016 < http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-lancashire-35354061> (29 March 2017)

[46] David Prior, ‘BBC criticised by Lancashire Police for “terrorist house” story,’ Prolific North, 22 January 2016 < https://www.prolificnorth.co.uk/2016/01/bbc-criticised-by-lancashire-police-for-terrorist-house-story/> (29 March 2017)

[47] Clive Grunshaw, ‘Commissioner Condemns Mis-reporting of so called ‘Terrorism’ Incident,’ Lancashire Police and Crime Commissioner, 20 January 2016 < http://lancashire-pcc.gov.uk/latest-news/commissioner-condemns-mis-reporting-of-so-called-terrorism-incident/> (29 March 2017)

[48] Ragazzi, ‘Suspect community or suspect category?’ p.730

[49] Newsnight, BBC TV, 16 June 2015: transcript of broadcast as cited by Khan, The Battle for British Islam p.101

[50] David Anderson QC, ‘Independent Reviewer of Terrorism Legislation,’ < https://terrorismlegislationreviewer.independent.gov.uk/> (29 March 2016)

[51] Anderson QC, ‘Independent Reviewer of Terrorism Legislation’

[52] David Anderson QC, ‘HASC: Countering Extremism, 2015-2016,’ 3 February 2016, < https://terrorismlegislationreviewer.independent.gov.uk/hasc-countering-extremism-2016/> (29 March 2016)

[53] Kundnani, The Muslims Are Coming, p.173

[54] Vikram Dodd, ‘Spying morally right, says think tank,’ The Guardian, 16 October 2009 < https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2009/oct/16/spying-morally-right-says-thinktank> (29 March 2016)

[55] Thomas, Responding to the Threat of Violent Extremism, p.68

[56] HM Government, Prevent Strategy, (London 2011) p.32

[57] HM Government, Revised Prevent Duty Guidance: For England and Wales (London 2015) p.4

[58] O’Toole, Jones and DeHanas, ‘The New Prevent,’ p.5

[59] Aislinn O’Donnell ‘Securitisation, Counterterrorism and the Silencing of Dissent: The Educational Implications of Prevent’, British Journal of Educational Studies, 64/1, (2015) p.53

[60] O’Donnell, ‘Securitisation, Counterterrorism and the Silencing of Dissent’ p.61

[61] Asim Qureshi ‘PREVENT: Creating Radicals to Strengthen Anti-Muslim Narratives’, Critical Studies on Terrorism, 8/1 (2015) pp.181-91.

[62] HM Government, Revised Prevent Duty Guidance p.11

[63] HM Government, Revised Prevent Duty Guidance p.21

[64] Interview 3, 3 April 2009 as cited by Kundnani, ‘Spooked!’ p.22

[65] O’Donnell, ‘Securitisation, Counterterrorism and the Silencing of Dissent’ p.55

[66] Interview 3, 3 April 2009 as cited by Kundnani, ‘Spooked!’ p.22

[67] Department of Education, ‘Educate Against Hate,’ < http://educateagainsthate.com/> (29 March 2017)

[68] Jahangir Mohammed and Dr Adnan Siddiqui, The Prevent Strategy: A Cradle To Grave Police-State, (London 2013)

[69] Qureshi ‘PREVENT: Creating Radicals to Strengthen Anti-Muslim Narratives,’ p.187

[70] Kundnani, The Muslims Are Coming, p.154

[71] Kundnani, The Muslims Are Coming, p.153-155

[72] Kundnani, The Muslims Are Coming, p.156

[73] John Wright, ‘Prevent, Police and Schools: Helping Schools Stay Safe: Guidance for Police Officers and Police Staff,’ Association of Chief Police Officers (2013) p.24

[74] Wright, ‘Prevent, Police and Schools,’ p.24

[75] ‘Opinion of the Court delivered by Lord Osborne In Note of Appeal Against Conviction and Sentence by Mohammed Atif Siddique’, Appeal Court, High Court of Justiciary, 29 January 2010, available at: http://www.scotcourts.gov.uk/opinions/2010HCJAC7.html, (15 June 2015)

[76] House of Commons, ‘Preventing Violent Extremism: Sixth Report of Session 2009-10’, Communities and Local Government Committee (March 2010), http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200910/cmselect/cmcomloc/65/65.pdf (29 March 2017)

[77] Will Baldet, ‘Who are ISIL?’ Leicester Prevent, 17 July 2015 http://www.leicesterprevent.co.uk/factsheet-who-are-isil/ (30 March 2017)

[78] HM Government, CONTEST p.16

[79] O’Donnell, ‘Securitisation, Counterterrorism and the Silencing of Dissent’ pp. 55

[80] Kundnani, The Muslims are Coming P.154

[81] Sara Khan, The Battle for British Islam: Reclaiming Muslim Identity from Extremism (London 2016) p.91

[82] Khan, The Battle for British Islam p.92

[83] NPCC, ‘National channel referral figures,’ < http://www.npcc.police.uk/FreedomofInformation/NationalChannelReferralFigures.aspx> (30 March 2017)

[84] HM Government, ‘Terrorism arrests – analysis of charging and sentencing outcomes by religion,’ 12 September 2013, https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/terrorism-arrests-analysis-of-charging-and-sentencing-outcomes-by-religion/terrorism-arrests-analysis-of-charging-and-sentencing-outcomes-by-religion (30 March 2017)

[85]  HM Government, Prevent Strategy p. 15

[86] Paul Thomas, ‘Failed and Friendless: The UK’s Preventing Violent Extremism Programme’, The British Journal of Politics & International Relations 12/3 (2010), p.454

[87] Thomas, ‘Failed and Friendless,’ p.443

[88] Thomas, ‘Failed and Friendless,’ p.442

[89] BBC, ‘Who are Britain’s jihadists?’ 22 February 2017 < http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-32026985> (30 March 2017)

[90] Shane Brighton, ‘British Muslims, multiculturalism and UK foreign policy: ‘integration’ and ‘cohesion’ in and beyond the state’, International Affairs, 83/1 (2007) pp. 8-9

[91] Ragazzi, ‘Suspect community or suspect category? p.4

[92] Thomas, Responding to the Threat of Violent Extremism p.79

[93] Khan, The Battle for British Islam p.21

[94] Data provided under Freedom of Information Request to Home Office – submitted in February 2015 as cited by Sara Khan, The Battle for British Islam p.133

[95] Data provided under Freedom of Information Request to Home Office – submitted in February 2015 as cited by Khan, The Battle for British Islam p.133

[96] Thomas, Responding to the Threat of Violent Extremism, p.106

[97] Active Change Foundation, < http://www.activechangefoundation.org/> (30, March 2017)

[98] Khan, The Battle for British Islam p.153

[99] Thomas, Responding to the Threat of Violent Extremism, p.59

[100] Tell Mama, < https://tellmamauk.org/> (30 March 2017)

[101] Khan, The Battle for British Islam p.155

[102] Tell Mama, ‘Murderer of Asad Shah, Tanveer Ahmed, has Shamed All Believers,’ 9 August 2016 < https://tellmamauk.org/murderer-of-asad-shah-tanver-ahmed-has-shamed-all-believers/> (30 March 2017)

[103] Tell Mama, ‘Crawley Ahmaddiya Mosque Suffers a Hate Crime,’ 6 June 2016 < https://tellmamauk.org/crawley-ahmaddiya-mosque-suffers-a-hate-crime/> (30 March 2017)

[104] House of Commons Women and Equalities Committee, ‘Employment Opportunities for Muslims in the UK,’ Second Report of Session 2016-17 (2016)

[105] Inspire, ‘Women and Equalities report: Improving employment opportunities for British Muslim Women,’ 10 August 2016 < http://www.wewillinspire.com/?s=employment> (30, March, 2016)

[106] Thomas, Responding to the Threat of Violent Extremism, p.80

[107] Kundnani, The Muslims are Coming p.164-165

[108] Kundnani, The Muslims are Coming p.164

[109]  Dean Godson, ‘The feeble helping the unspeakable’, The Times, 5 April 2006, < http://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/the-feeble-helping-the-unspeakable-p5xx6qrkhcj> (30 March 2017)

[110] Timothy Garton Ash, ‘Orwell’s List’, New York Review of Books, vol. 50, no. 14, 25 (2003) pp.151-66

[111] O’Toole, Jones and DeHanas, ‘The New Prevent,’ p.8

[112] Open Your Eyes, ‘Our Movement Is Exposing the Truth,’ Upstanding Neighbourhoods http://openyoureyes.net/ (30 March 2017)

[113] Open Your Eyes, ‘How Do We Go About Jihad,’ Upstanding Neighbourhoods < http://openyoureyes.net/category/what-is-jihad/> (30 March 2017)

[114] Kundnani, ‘Spooked!’ p.12

[115] BBC, ‘Pro-West ads to target extremism,’ 23 February 2009 < http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/7905487.stm> (30 March 2017)

[116] BBC, ‘Pro-West ads to target extremism’

[117] M.S. Elshimi, De-radicalisation in the UK Prevent Strategy: Security, Identity and Religion (New York 2017)

[118] Thomas, ‘Failed and Friendless,’ p.454

[119] Thomas, ‘Failed and Friendless,’ p.454 -455

[120] HM Government, CONTEST, p.13

[121] BBC, ‘Muslim ex-police officer criticises Prevent anti-terror strategy’, 9 March 2015 http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-31792238 (30, March 2017)

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